Render unto Caesar the things that
are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God’s.[1]
Congress shall make no law . . . prohibiting the free exercise [of religion. . . . [2]
Congress shall make no law . . . prohibiting the free exercise [of religion. . . . [2]
Reynolds v. United
States involved polygamy in the then-territory of Utah.
The Mormon Church
— officially the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints — was founded in
the United States of America in 1830, and many of its adherents settled in the then-territory
of Utah.
Congress had enacted a statute criminalizing
polygamy. That meant the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment of the
federal Constitution was involved, not “due process” of the Fourteenth
Amendment, because there was no state
involvement.
The federal
felony statute provided that “Every person having a husband or wife living who
marries another whether married or single in the territory or other place over
which the federal government has jurisdiction is guilty of bigamy and shall be
punished by a fine of not more than $500 and by imprisonment for a term of not
more than five years.”[3]
Set squarely
against this federal anti-bigamy statute was the scriptural duty of male Mormons to practice
polygamy. Even the Supreme Court unanimous decision/opinion in Reynolds would acknowledge that
this
duty was enjoined, required by different books which Mormons believe to be of
divine origin, that the members of the church believe that the practice of
polygamy was directly enjoined upon the male members thereof by the Almighty
God, that the failing or refusing to practice polygamy by such male members
would be punished and that the penalty would be damnation in the life to come.[4]
It is easy for
non-Mormons and non-believers to scoff at that religious requirement, but it
was real to Mormons and impaled them on the horns of a dilemma: renounce and
be damned, or render unto God and go to prison.
If a Mormon rendered
unto Caesar that which was Caesar’s by obeying the federal law, he affronted
God and thus believed himself damned. But if he rendered unto God that which
was God’s and thus broke the law by practicing polygamy, Caesar was going to
throw him into prison for five years and fine him $500. Then, once Reynolds did
the five years, was released, and continued to practice polygamy as his God
demanded, he would probably go back to prison. A cruel, repetitive, seemingly
unconstitutional choice.
God won the first
round. In accordance with the rituals and dictates of the Mormon religion,
Reynolds took a second bride while married to his first wife.
Caesar was not
amused.
The federal
government indicted Reynolds for violation of the anti-bigamy statute.
Predictably, and
naively, he defended on the ground that the First Amendment guaranteed him the
right freely to exercise his religion.
He was convicted
in the territorial court, sentenced to prison, and eventually the case reached
the Supreme Court of the United States.
The Supreme Court
affirmed Reynolds’s conviction. That was bad enough. But the reasons given by
the Court were worse.
Chief Justice
Waite, writing for the unanimous Court, invoked English history. England,
a country with its own national church, had never enjoyed a “free exercise”
religious guarantee, nor even a written constitution.
Moreover,
Reynolds was an American citizen, accused of violating American law, being
judged by American courts, defending himself with the Free Exercise Clause of
the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America.
The Court even
resorted to nose-counting with a clear racist implication, to buttress its
conclusion that
Polygamy has
always been odious among the northern and western nations of Europe, and until
the establishment of the Mormon Church was almost exclusively a feature of the
life of Asiatic and of African people.
Translation: “Our
civilized tribe here in the good-old of USA doesn’t engage in such uncivilized
practices.”
The nations of
northern and western Europe before and at that time had hardly been paragons of
religious toleration, nor had they possessed political and legal systems that
protected individual rights and fostered limited government.[5] Ask, for example,
the Catholics in England.
Moreover, it was
the height of intellectual condescension for the Court to distain out-of-hand a
practice accepted by many religions. For example, the highly respected Roman
law recognized concubinage, a practice akin to polygamy. Throughout history,
there have been accepted relationships between married men and their mistresses,
and men and women who maintain simultaneous romantic and/or sexual
relationships.
Well, if the
Supreme Court’s conclusion could not legitimately rest on English history, on
abhorrence of savage practices, and the many years of accepted multiple
relationships, what was it based on?
The
altruist-collectivist-statist meter will tell us.
The Court’s
unanimous opinion observed that Congress was “free to reach [i.e., to
criminalize] actions which were in violation of social duties” and “there
has never been a time in any State of the Union when polygamy has not been an
offense against society. . . .” (My
italics.)
Since there is no
such thing as “society,” just lots of other people who weren’t Mormon Reynolds,
the Court was saying that his, and the rest of the Mormons’, religious duty would
be sacrificed to the societal tribe’s moral standards, backed by the coercive
power of the federal government.
An “offense” against
whom? Against the morally puritanical
Americans whose moral prejudices had caused Congress to enact the anti-polygamy
law in the first place, the president to approve it, the prosecutors to enforce
it, the jurors to apply it, and the various courts to uphold its
constitutionality?
“Society — the
lots-of-other-people-but-not-the-Mormons — opposed polygamy, so society’s
values prevailed. No matter the cost to Mr. Reynolds personally, and all Mormons
generally.
Yet there was
another argument that Reynolds could and should have made but did not. Apart
from his religious duty, Reynolds like all Americans was a free American who
should have been able to engage in any constitutionally-protected conduct until
his actions violated another’s properly understood rights.
Reynolds’s
polygamous relationships did not violate anyone else’s rights, yet his were
violated by other Americans—by “society.”
Once the door of
sacrificing of individuals to the collective is opened even slightly,
effectuated by statist laws such as the one that sent Reynolds to prison, it is
a slippery slope into the abyss.
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[1] According to
Wikipedia, this is the beginning of a phrase attributed to Jesus in the synoptic gospels, which reads in
full, “Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things
that are God’s. [Matthew 22:21]
[2] First Amendment,
Constitution of the United States of America.
[3] Presumably, the
statute would apply not only to any male (Mormon or not) marrying more than one
female, and vice versa.
[4]
To
whatever extent the Mormon religion requires or countenances male practitioners
marrying, or outside of marriage having sexual relations with, underage
girls, that conduct should be condemned as immoral and prosecuted as a
serious crime. Statutory rape is statutory rape, no matter if its motive is
religious. Whatever sympathy one might have for Mormon religious practices
should be reserved for consenting adults exercising a religious duty imposed
under threat of eternal damnation, a duty one would think was protected by the
express language of the First Amendment’s “free exercise” Clause.
1 comment:
Several bad ideas are in play here.
One is that the State can regulate what is solely a religious institution, i.e., marriage. Once the State bestowed certain special rights upon those who got married under State statutes, the State then assumed governance over all other aspects of marriage, even usurping the authority to define "marriage" from the clergy.
The second bad idea is that, as is pointed out in the essay, there is no such thing as "society." "Society" is merely the result of individuals' actions and preferences into the creation of a body of fashions accepted by a (usually -- but not necessarily -- large majority of) the members of a given group. Thus, individuals trump "society," not the other way around.
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